|
Afghanistan
 Afghanistan Afghanistan's beauties have been swamped by tyranny and war.
Friendly, beautiful Afghanistan was once well known on the backpacking circuit as the place to stop for unparalleled hospitality, fantastic food, great hiking and...um...OK, we'll say it, that legendary hashish. Things, sadly, have changed a lot.
More than 25 years of war and Taliban rule left the dramatic countryside peppered with landmines and reduced many of the finest monuments and minarets to rubble. The poverty left in war's wake has taken an impossible human toll and encouraged the theft and sale of priceless national treasures.
Large areas of Afghanistan remain highly insecure. NATO-led military operations are ongoing against the remnants of the Taliban and Al-Qaeda. Acts of violence, often targeting foreigners, continue to occur in Kabul and elsewhere. In one of the country's deadliest attacks since 2001, a suicide bombing killed more than 100 people watching a dog fight just outside Kandahar on 17 February; the following day, another bomb blast in the same province killed a further 35 civilians and injured dozens more.
Visitors should maintain a very high level of security awareness, avoid demonstrations and political gatherings, avoid travelling alone or at night, and contact their consular representative for the latest information.
Afghanistan is highly contaminated with land mines and unexploded ordnance (UXO); it's one of the worst affected countries in the world. Extreme caution should be taken when venturing into areas that may be contaminated.
|
|
Asia -
Afghanistan
|
In this shocking new film we ride the drugs caravan, from cultivation, to process, to market. A fascinating glimpse into the hidden world of Afghanistan's drug barons. Over 90% of the world’s opium now comes from Afghanistan. In this shocking new film, we ride the drugs caravan, from cultivation, to process, to market. On route, we lift the curtain on the hidden world of the drug barons; learn how to process heroin in the crudest of laboratories and encounter deadly gunfights on the Iranian border...
Afghanistans Opium Trail. Video hosted on Google. In bleak Afghan villages, the lure of opium cultivation is clear. With no other viable alternative for farmers, and no real law enforcement from the Afghan police or foreign troops, growing poppies is the only way to feed hungry mouths. Ahmad Ollah has 18 of them to fill. His opium is offered for sale in poppy sheets, embossed on both sides. He's hoping for $40 per kilo for his latest harvest, but despite his pleading, $34 is the best price he can get from the drug baron's envoys. Crouching behind rocks in the mountain passes between Iran and Afghanistan, Iranian guards prepare an ambush. As opium smugglers come into view, the guards open fire. One trafficker falls to the ground immediately, killed by their first shot. But the others fight back until police reinforcements arrive, wielding large machine guns. Shoot outs like this happen every day. Over 200 Iranian guards are killed a year patrolling the Afghan border. “Drugs production has increased tenfold in Afghanistan”, laments Captain Miri. So much opium is flooding across the border, anti-drug units now calculate the value of their hauls in tonnes rather than kilos. In bleak Afghan villages, the lure of opium cultivation is clear. “What else are we to do”, despairs farmer Ahmad Ollah. “We have nothing else, just opium”. He’s hoping for $40 per kilo for his latest harvest. But it has been a bumper crop for everyone and there is a glut of opium on the market. Despite his pleading, Ollah gets only $34 per kilo from the drug baron’s envoys. Mansur Khan is the man behind the offer. A thick set man with a relaxed air, a tribal ruler with his own personal militia. “I know all this is illegal”, he freely admits. “But I employ 400 men who are responsible for the well being of their families”. A gulp of vodka for good luck and he packs his smugglers off, laden with several hundred kilos of opium. Khan considers himself invincible. “You have no idea how loyal the natives are to us”, he boasts. “Even when it comes to a shoot-out”. And there are many of those. At the start of 500 km trek to Iran, the river Helmand has to be crossed. “It’s not easy to travel aboard a raft with a grenade launcher on your shoulder,” grumbles one smuggler. At the other side, they join a camel caravan. Then a vehicle convoy meets them, armed with night vision equipment to travel in the dead of night. But things aren’t going to plan. The scout radios a warning; “Turn the car around and go another route”. In the Afghan highlands, opium is processed into heroin. A car jack serves as a drug press. “This thing works wonders”, croons the lab worker. It’s a simple production process: pressing, diluting, heating and pressing again until all the liquid runs out. Child’s play. And the only gauge of the purity of this deadly sludge is a quick PH test at the end. After 30 years of war, Afghanistan is in ruins. Traditionally, the one problem it’s never faced is drug addiction. Now, all that is changing. With no future prospects and no sign of things improving, the young are turning to drugs. In the ruins of a burnt out school, junkies smoke spliffs of heroin. “You’re ruining your lives”, laments the local policeman. But his words are in vain. Tribal structures are being subverted; the young no longer listen to what their elders say. And Afghanistan’s economy remains entirely based on drugs.
 According to the US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) Afghanistan produced more than 70% of the world's opium in 2000, and about 80% of the opiate products in Europe. In July 2000 the leader of Afghanistan's former Taleban government, Mullah Omar, declared a nationwide ban on opium cultivation for one year. The United Nations Drugs Control Program (UNDCP) believes the ban was a success, and production plunged to negligible levels during 2001. But with the demise of the Taleban, there are fears Afghanistan will quickly reclaim its status as the world's largest producer of illicit opium. The UNDCP provides estimates of the level of opium poppy cultivation per region by conducting a census of farmers on the ground. Opium cultivation and processing is most extensive in the south of the country, in particular Helmand province. Laboratories convert the raw opium into a morphine base, white heroin or one of three grades of brown heroin. This is then transported through a number of intermediate countries - where it is sometimes further refined and processed - before being shipped on to Europe and North America. In the past, a large number of laboratories were located across the border in Pakistan's tribal region, but a Pakistani Government crackdown has forced many of these to relocate across the border. Afghanistan also produces a large amount of hashish - a processed form of cannabis - which is mainly transported through Pakistan and the Central Asian republics.
In the 1970s, Afghanistan was known for its dramatic mountain scenery and the unparalleled hospitality of its people. At the turn of the 21st century the country was more synonymous with war and terrorism, the picture of a failed state. The fall of the Taliban regime in 2001 and the subsequent reconstruction attempts have done much to address this view, but in early 2007 Afghanistan’s future remained on a knife-edge. Having been bled white by ten years of Soviet occupation, Afghanistan was dropped by the international community almost the minute the last Red Army tank withdrew in 1989, allowing it to slip into the chaos of civil war and the Taliban. Promises not to repeat the same mistake 13 years later proved half-hearted at best. Progress in development of education and the political processes (which have seen successful presidential and parliamentary elections) are real enough. Kabul and other cities have boomed with increasing trade and new constructions. Most of the country is at peace, but the state remains perilously weak. The return to power of many of the rejected warlords of the 1990s has cynically proved to Afghans that you can apparently have peace or justice but not both. The booming economy has failed to touch the countryside where most Afghans live and development programmes have mostly ignored the centrally important agricultural sector, particularly in the Pashtun regions that originally spawned the Taliban.
|
|
|
Afghanistan drugs guns and money |
|
Asia -
Afghanistan
|
Afghanistan way in the future, how can the peopole of afghanistan defeet the demon of drug agriculture? In the new political landscape of Afghanistan, US and Australian forces, aligned against the Taliban and their terrorist allies, find themselves in an uneasy relationship with the drug lords who control much of the world's opium cultivation and heroin production. Afghanistan and its near neighbours still supply around 80 percent of the heroin sold in Western Europe.
View Afghanistan drugs guns and money. Video hosted on Google. After a brief lull in production in the last year of the Taliban, the current opium crop is one of the largest ever and business is booming. How are the world's drug control authorities responding to this fact of life in Central Asia? Can the reconstruction effort in Afghanistan take the place of the opium trade currently the mainstay of the economy? How will the United States resolve a dilemma that pits the war on terror against the war on drugs?
Narrated by Colin Friels and produced by Chris Hilton, Afghanistan: Drugs, Guns and Money asks these difficult questions by following the journey of this years opium crops, tracing the drug trafficking routes heading north from Afghanistan through the nations of the Old Silk Road on its way to Europe. The film examines who are the winners and losers as the crop finds its way to market. The awesome beauty of the landscape provides a powerful backdrop for the treachery uncovered each step of the way. Like a cancer, the heroin trade has spread its tentacles through almost every level of society. In Afghanistan there is mass local addiction, local HIV epidemics, an unending cycle of violence and crime, and the corruption of state institutions.
The documentary begins late April 2002 in the blooming poppy fields of Badakstan in northern Afghanistan then follows the shipment of the harvest to the hidden heroin laboratories, across the Pianj river, by foot through treacherous mountain passes in Tajikistan and then by road, rail and air through the Silk Road nations of Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan and then its journey to the most profitable market in Europe.
On route we meet the impoverished farmers (Sayed Ahmad), the compromised border guards (Colonel Vladimir Makushin and the Russian border guard), drug agents (General Rustan Nazarov), traffickers (Boris Petrovicjh and Zharina), corrupt customs officers (name withheld), and the regions top UN drug control official (Antonella Deledda). The story also includes comments from Robert Baer, ex-CIA agent from Tajikistan who is critical of US policy in the area.
The documentary returns to Afghanistan to see what can be done about reducing the production of opium and heroin at source. During the Talibans reign, the regime taxed poppy production to fund their activities, later banning it in an attempt to gain good PR points from the West while profiting from the huge stockpiles. But there are no good guys in this story. In those parts of the country controlled by the Northern Alliance, heroin labs continue unhindered and production thrives. They still do. Americas response to this point has been to waive narcotics sanctions against Afghanistan now it has a friendly leader in place in Kabul. But its a thorn in the side of the new Afghan government of Hamid Karzai, enriching the regional warlords and inhibiting the project of rebuilding the nation. Karzais new vice president Abdul Qadir who is interviewed in the film was assassinated in Kabul in broad daylight in July this year. Many suspect his death was drug related.
A classic documentary set in a stunning landscape, Afghanistan: Drugs, Guns and Money is an unblinking look at a story of treachery, corruption and the most unholy of alliancesthe outcome of which may have dire consequences for all of us.
|
|
Asia -
Afghanistan
|
Just 6 years after U.S.-led forces drove the Taliban from power in Afghanistan for providing sanctuary to Al Qaeda terrorists, theseIslamist militants have resurfaced with a vengeance. Roadside bombings, direct fire and suicide attacks have intensified, with no end to the bloodshed in sight. Now, Inside the Taliban, a comprehensive 2-hour special, takes viewers into the radical and terrifying world of the Taliban - from its vigilante beginnings to its emergence as a violent power.
View Inside the Taliban documentary. Video hosted on Google. The Taliban is an Islamic fundamentalist movement in Afghanistan that controlled most of the country from September 1996 to November 2001. The Taliban movement was created in 1994 by a senior mullah (Islamic priest), Mohammed Omar, in the southern Afghanistan city of Kandahār. The name Taliban, meaning student, refers to the movements origins in Islamic religious schools, or madrasas, although most members knew war all their lives and attended the madrasas only for rudimentary religious training.
The Taliban movement emerged out of the chaos and uncertainty of the Afghan-Soviet War (1979-1989) and subsequent civil war in Afghanistan. During the 1980s Afghanistan was occupied by the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and ruled by a Soviet-backed government. Afghanistans long war with the USSR was largely fought by mujahideen (Islamic guerrilla) factions with assistance from the United States; Pakistan also provided places of refuge, military training, and other support. After the Soviets completed their withdrawal in 1989, civil war broke out between the mujahideen factions and the central government. Afghanistans central government had long been dominated by the countrys majority ethnic group, the Pashtuns, but after the Soviet withdrawal a coalition government that included Tajiks, Uzbeks, Hazaras, and other minority groups came to power. The Taliban emerged as a faction of mujahideen soldiers who identified themselves as religious students. The Taliban consisted mostly of Pashtuns intent on once again dominating the central government in Kābul. They were trained and armed by the Frontier Constabulary, a quasi-military unit in Pakistan, which also has a significant Pashtun population. The Taliban actively recruited thousands of young men in the Afghan refugee camps and the madrasas in Pakistan. Many war orphans also joined the movement. The Taliban promoted itself as a new force for peace and unity, and many war-weary Afghan people, particularly Pashtuns, supported the Taliban in hopes of respite from years of war.
In late 1994 and early 1995 the Taliban moved through the south and west of Afghanistan, taking control of Kandahār and many other towns and cities dominated by fellow Pashtuns. Herāt and most of the other towns along the main southern and western highway soon followed. In February 1995 the Taliban reached the outskirts of Kābul but was ousted by government forces in March. Again it advanced to the capital in October. While continuing to assault Kābul with rockets and bombs, Taliban soldiers advanced and took control of eastern Afghanistan, as well as the countrys central area. The Taliban continued its siege of Kābul off and on throughout 1996 until it was able to advance and capture the city in September. Government troops and officials, including President Burhanuddin Rabbani and Prime Minister Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, fled to the northern part of the country. Shortly after the capital fell to the Taliban, the countrys last Soviet-backed president, Mohammad Najibullah, and his brother, security chief Shahpur Ahmadzai, were seized and publicly hanged.
After taking over Kābul, Taliban leaders began to institute an uncompromising regime. Their basic premise was to enforce a purist way of life based on their fundamentalist interpretation of Islam. They immediately created the Ministry for Ordering What Is Right and Forbidding What Is Wrong to impose and enforce their rules of conduct. Mohammed Omar led the Taliban as Amir-ul-Momineen (Commander of the Faithful). He was the supreme leader in a strictly hierarchical system of rule. He was advised on various matters by members of special shuras (councils) composed of high-ranking Taliban leaders. Ultimately Omar was the only individual who could issue an official edict. Many of the Taliban edicts had little to do with pure Islam or the teachings of the Qur'an and were actually based in ancient tribal rules and customs. Most of the rules reflected a disenchantment with modern life. The Taliban continually issued new rules and used Radio Kābul and trucks equipped with loudspeakers to announce them. The rules of conduct eventually covered almost every aspect of social behavior by the population, even forbidding things such as clapping, kite flying, and squeaky shoes.
The Taliban banned music and dancing, shut down movie theaters and television stations, destroyed public works of art that depicted living beings, and forbade the consumption of alcoholic beverages. Men were ordered to grow full, untrimmed beards (in accordance with orthodox Islam) and were rounded up and beaten with sticks in an effort to force prayer in the mosques. The Taliban strongly enforced the ancient custom of purdah, the veiling and seclusion of women from men. Women were ordered to cover themselves from head to toe in burkas (long, tentlike veils). Girls schools were closed, and women were forbidden to work outside their homes. As a result, hospitals lost almost all their staffs and children in orphanages were abandoned. In a country where hundreds of thousands of men had been killed in warfare, widows found themselves unable to work to provide basic necessities for their families.
The Taliban religious police enforced the new rules and punished anyone found disobeying. They inflicted many of the punishments on the spot, usually ruthlessly, without offering the offender any sort of judicial hearing. The Taliban allowed public beatings and stonings, sometimes fatal, of women who violated the dress code or were escorted by men not related to them. Any person found not praying at the required times was imprisoned. The Taliban leaders also mandated specific punishments for other types of crimes. They made murder, adultery, and drug dealing punishable by death, and theft punishable by amputation of the hand. Many of the Taliban laws and punishments alarmed human-rights groups and provoked worldwide condemnation.
The Taliban takeover of Kābul in 1996 paved the way for additional territorial conquests, and Taliban soldiers advanced north toward the mountain strongholds of the Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Hazaras. By the late 1990s the Taliban had taken control of almost all of Afghanistan. Opposition forces, commonly known as the Northern Alliance, held a small portion of the countrys territory in the north. Most countries did not recognize the Taliban regime as the legitimate government of Afghanistan.
|
|
|
Asia -
Afghanistan
|
Afghanistan Massacre The Convoy of Death. |
Afghanistan Massacre The Convoy of Death. Produced and directed by Irish filmmaker and former BBC producer Jamie Doran, the film tells the story of thousands of prisoners who surrendered to the US military's Afghan allies after the siege of Kunduz. According to the film, some three thousand of the prisoners were forced into sealed containers and loaded onto trucks for transport to Sheberghan prison. When the prisoners began shouting for air, U.S.-allied Afghan soldiers fired directly into the truck, killing many of them. The rest suffered through an appalling road trip lasting up to four days, so thirsty they clawed at the skin of their fellow prisoners as they licked perspiration and even drank blood from open wounds.
Witnesses say that when the trucks arrived and soldiers opened the containers, most of the people inside were dead. They also say US Special Forces re-directed the containers carrying the living and dead into the desert and stood by as survivors were shot and buried. Now, up to three thousand bodies lie buried in a mass grave.
Outraged human rights groups and lawyers are calling for an investigation but the U.N. special envoy to Afghanistan refuses any U.N.-backed investigation until the Afghan government can protect witnesses. Two of the witnesses in the film have already been killed.
This is a great documentary on the soviet afghanistan war, the mujahedeen and the taliban fighting with the help and aid of the cia, american weapons, manuals, intelligence and money to buy chinese weapons. The strategies used in their hit and run guerrilla tactics which is still used today in Afghanistan with great effect.The Soviet war in Afghanistan was a nine-year conflict involving Soviet forces supporting Afghanistan's Marxist People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) government against the Mujahideen insurgents that were fighting to overthrow Communist rule. The Soviet Union supported the government while the rebels found support from a variety of sources including the United States, Pakistan and other Muslim nations in the context of the Cold War. The conflict, concurrent to the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War, was also seminal in the rise of modern militant Islamism in central Asia. The initial Soviet deployment of the 40th Army in Afghanistan began on December 25, 1979. The final troop withdrawal began on May 15, 1988, and ended on February 15, 1989. Due to the defeat of this major Cold War power by a smaller, less powerful force, the Soviet war in Afghanistan has often been referred to as the equivalent of the United States' Vietnam War.
The region today called Afghanistan has been a predominately Muslim country since AD 882. The country's nearly impassable mountains and desert terrain is reflected in its ethnically and linguistically diverse population. Pashtuns are the largest ethnic group, along with Tajiks, Hazara, Aimak, Uzbeks, Turkmen and other small groups.
Russian military involvement in Afghanistan has a long history, going back to Tsarist expansions in the so-called "Great Game" begun in the 19th Century, such as the Panjdeh Incident. This interest in the region continued on through the Soviet era in Russia.
In February of 1979, the Islamic Revolution had ousted the US backed Shahs from Afghanistan's neighbor Iran. In the Soviet Union, Afghanistan's northern neighbor, more than twenty percent of the population was Muslim. Many Soviet Muslims in Central Asia had tribal kinship relationships in both Iran and Afghanistan. The Soviet Union had also been concerned by the fact that since that February the United States had deployed twenty ships, including two aircraft carriers, and the constant stream of threats of warfare between the US and Iran.
March of 1979 also marked the signing of the US backed peace agreement between Israel and Egypt. The Soviet Union leadership saw the peace agreement between Israel and Egypt as a major step in the progression of US power in the region. In fact, one Soviet newspaper stated that Egypt and Israel were now âgendarmes of the Pentagonâ. The Soviets viewed the treaty as not only a cessation in the hostilities between the two nations but also as some form of military agreement. In addition, the Soviets found America selling more than five thousand missiles to Saudi Arabia and also supplying the successful Yemeni resistance against communist factions. Also, the Soviet Union's previously strong relations with Iraq had recently soured. Iraq, in June 1978, begin buying French and Italian made weapons as opposed to Soviet weapons.
Afghanistan - Desert Dust |
Afghanistan - Desert Dust. Al-Muthanna was one of the first districts handed over to Iraqi control. But now, Australian troops entering the area are regularly attacked by the Mehdi army. Within hours of setting out on patrol, the soldiers from Overwatch Battlegroup come under attack. "Five RPGs were fired. It was a drive by shooting", states Lt Col Michael Mahy. Although they outgun their assailants, Mahy decides against pursuing them. "To go forward against the militia would be like pouring petrol on a fire". A few months ago, Australian troops were involved in an hour-long shoot out with insurgents. The shootout made international news and was used as an example of how foreign troops were making the situation worse. But Lt Col Michael Mahy believes: "The situation would be far worse if we weren't here".
Afghanistan - Baptism Of Fire. |
Afghanistan - Baptism Of Fire. As Afghanistan descends into chaos, we bring back a report on the Taliban's resurgence. Includes archive from the heartland of the besieged south. "The insurgents are stronger than us because they are trained by the Pakistani government which gives them money", complains local Commander Razi Khan. At Kandahar hospital, Dr Sharifa Saddiqi struggles to keep up with the daily toll of casualties. As NATO struggles to deal with increased attacks, Dr Abdul Jat worries that ânobody outside knows just how bad the situation is."
TRANSCRIPT :
I'm flying into Kandahar, the single biggest coalition base in southern Afghanistan from where Australian SAS and troops from the US, Canada and NATO are in the middle of fighting the strongest Taliban offensive since 2001.
Next month, NATO will be assuming command of operations here and it will be this man, Britain's Lieutenant-General David Richards, in charge.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL DAVID RICHARDS, NATO COMMANDER, AFGHANISTAN: There's no doubt that the Taliban are in greater strength, and a little bit more organised, than hitherto but we're on the case.
Whilst the streets of Kandahar are bustling with activity, foreigners here travel in armoured vehicles as suicide attacks, bombings and shootings inside the city are now common. Just last Sunday, a suicide bomber in this car tried to kill the Governor of Kandahar in the centre of the city. The blast killed four civilians and wounded 12. The Governor narrowly escaped. It's here where the Taliban came from and it is here that they are fighting back.
It is only a 10-minute drive to the posts in the suburbs which are the front line in this war. Here the Taliban are strong enough to attack the police in posts like this one.
MAN, (Translation): The man standing here was shot, there are bullet holes there. Someone was firing from outside. He killed the people on the veranda.
BOY (Translation): The houses here facing the city belong to the Taliban, the people who live there were Taliban. There must be 10,000 homes, they call it a place of jihad.
The post commander, Rahmatullah, says they are barely equipped for their front-line role.
REPORTER: Does he have enough weapons to defend his post and this area properly?
RAHMATULLAH (Translation): The problem is all over Afghanistan, it is not just mine, but I have told the authorities and they have helped. Theyâve helped to the extent they can.
REPORTER: For example, that weapon behind you is held together with sticky tape. Is the quality of your weapons a problem here?
RAHMATULLAH (Translation): This is one of our weapons, it has two magazines stuck together, we had to use scotch tape. All up, itâs an old weapon, it isnât modern. Look at it.
Out to the west of Kandahar city, the fighting has been constant. The day we head out towards Panjwai, the Afghan army posts are abandoned. Disturbingly, the police and the civilian population are nowhere to be seen. Three days later, this was the scene of a full-scale battle, the coalition called in air strikes, killing as many as 80 Taliban and civilians.
Afghan President Hamid Karzai protested about the casualties. It is incidents like these that are turning the people against the foreign forces and back to the Taliban. Dr Sharifa Saddiqi is the director of the Kandahar hospital where there are now daily incidences of civilian death, mostly shot by the coalition.
DR SHARIFA SADDIQI, (Translation): The day before yesterday three people drove by, when they saw Canadian soldiers they got off the road. Thatâs when they were hit, two died and one was wounded. When a car speeds up the troops get suspicious. They mistake it for a suicide mission and kill the occupants.
REPORTER: Are the families very angry? What's the reaction by the people here?
DR SHARIFA SADDIQI, (Translation): We are afraid people will react as they did when Russia invaded, we know our people very well. Be nice to them and they will obey you but if you coerce them, it can be a disaster. Yesterday when those families arrived, it was like doomsday. They were very upset.
Fearing for my safety because I was a foreigner, hospital authorities didn't allow me to see the wounded.
This handover to Lieutenant-General Richards marks the next stage in NATO's expansion in Afghanistan. His command is set to have 21,000 soldiers here by the end of the year. 8,000 of those will take over the security in the south, including 540 Australians.
REPORTER: With the Canadian deployment down there, they've already had quite a few casualties. Do you expect the British contingent the Australian contingent, the Dutch contingent to all to have, I suppose, the same kind of baptism of fire, more or less?
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL DAVID RICHARDS: Well, I think, inevitably, there will be a baptism of fire. I am absolutely confident, though, that the robust stance taken by the Canadians will be emulated by all the other nations going into the south. This is a big thing for NATO and, as the Secretary-General of NATO and many others have said, we cannot afford to fail. And all our soldiers are very clear on that. At the same stage, we can't afford to take lots of casualties so there is a balance to be struck.
REPORTER: This mission... Your previous experience in East Timor, of course, and also in Sierra Leone, how does this mission compare? It must be the toughest one you've ever faced.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL DAVID RICHARDS: Just a little. Those were good training missions, really, learnt an immense amount from them. I think in many ways, East Timor was a model of what we need to do better out here and that's close military/civilian cooperation. But if we don't get that very close coordination right, then a military alone, in a counterinsurgency like this, will never win.
The reality for these farmers, who live on the western outskirts of Kandahar, shows some of the problems of fighting a war amidst a population you are trying to win over. They tell me how the Afghan police responded after a recent attack.
FARMER, (Translation): They confiscated peopleâs watches and beat them. They brought four here, killed two under the tree and cut the legs off the other two. It was an atrocity.
REPORTER: Were the victims Taliban?
FARMER (Translation): No, just ordinary people wearing white turbans, so they were mistaken for Taliban.
Abdul Qadar Noorzai is the local representative of the Afghan Independent Commission of Human Rights. He says the coalition operations in the south are alienating the population.
ABDUL QADAR NOORZAI, (Translation): The fact is that people loose trust in their security organisations. They have a mistrust of their own institutions. The other problem is the way they deal with people, searching their homes, detaining them, even killing them. One complaint is particularly relevant to our society, to our culture, which is very religious. When a foreigner enters someoneâs house without any warning, particularly when there is a woman inside, that is a total breach of Afghan values.
Two years ago, Dateline filmed these pictures of US Marines conducting operations in Uruzgan province. The legacy of hate, generated by these US operations, will be inherited by Australian troops in Uruzgan.
REPORTER: There is a lot of bitterness within the community about the way the Americans have conducted operations, such as house searches, arrests, what are seen as arbitrary arrests, how will you overcome that resentment?
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL DAVID RICHARDS: It's an important point and one we're aware of. First of all, you learn lessons from all these things. The US commanders here are learning the same lessons about how to approach it. The need to be clinically precise - if you know there is someone in the house, OK, you might need to go in there but don't otherwise. Actually it's better, in terms of winning a campaign, to forego hot potential opportunities rather than go in because there just might be someone in there. It's breeding a culture that sees the big picture, and the long term, a little bit more.
REPORTER: Do you think the situation in the south of Afghanistan now is worse than it's been since 2001, when the Taliban fell?
ABDUL QADAR NOORZAI, (Translation): It is a bad situation, worse than the war against the Soviet occupation. The coalition forces have admitted their mistake and the government has acknowledged that the situation is getting worse.
He says his human rights investigators cannot visit the three worst affected provinces â including Uruzgan.
ABDUL QADAR NOORZAI, (Translation): In the areas Iâm in charge of, the situation has got worse, we have to be careful. We canât enter those areas and I canât send workers there.
There is no safe way to travel from Kandahar to Tarin Kot, where the Australians are based. This is why no Australian journalists have been here since the deployment was announced. The Australian forces do not allow media to travel with them. If you go alone, you can be hauled out of your car at a Taliban checkpoint and, as has happened on this road, be beheaded on the spot. No foreigners, unless they are in armoured vehicles, ever travel this road now. It has the highest security rating of any in the country.
If you go in a convoy, like this one, they regularly get attacked. This convoy of 20 fuel tankers is guarded by just two ute-loads of police. They've got RPGs, AKs and heavy machine guns - but so have the Taliban. Commander Mohammad Isa was in charge of the escort on this convoy.
MOHAMMAD ISA, TALIBAN COMMANDER, (Translation): Whatâs going on in Tarin-Kot? No one knows and no one can find out. There is danger in one area one day, the next somewhere else .Itâs a situation where no one knows what is going on.
The week before a similar convoy of tankers was attacked near here and four of the police escort were killed. This is the heavily fortified home to the Australian special forces and the advance elements of the engineers in Tarin Kot. This base is regularly attacked and the only real area that can be said to be under government control. The main street is the only place in town where you don't run the risk of being stopped by the Taliban, although they watch it and there are regular suicide attacks here. Tarin Kot is the capital of Uruzgan province. The Taliban control three of the districts in Uruzgan and a fourth district, Chora, fell to the Taliban last week. An airborne coalition assault reportedly retook the area over the weekend, killing 12 Taliban.
This is how the coalition troops are forced to move inside the town of Tarin Kot, which they say they control. These American troops, accompanied by an Australian officer, are simply making a routine visit to the local recruiting office of the Afghan National Army. As you can see, even in town they take no chances.
The Australian officer is following orders and will not talk to the media at all, even though I identify myself as an Australian. The US commander and the Governor are visiting the hospital when we arrive â they both have their own security. There is more security inside the hospital.
DR ABDUL JALI, TARIN KOT HOSPITAL: There is Taliban forces near, in Mirabat and Kholma. About 2km from this city, we cannot go. 2km. All of the villages, there is no security, there is no government.
DOCTOR (Translation): We canât address the needs of our patients from the outlying districts, our doctors canât go and see those patients. If they did they would remember it for the rest of their lives. Say a doctor who had studied for 22 years is harmed and threatened by someone in such a districtâ¦and that is part and parcel of our security issue.
The hospital is guarded by men with AK47s and heavy machine guns. As the only functioning government institution in Tarin Kot, it is a prime target. For these besieged government workers, one of the main problems is nobody outside knows just how bad the situation is.
DOCTOR (Translation): Thereâs a lack of journalists in this province, events such as accidents and war crimes whether committed by insurgents or government forces, should be revealed in the worlds media.
The local police commander in Tarin Kot shows me the vehicles that have been blown out from under him.
COMMANDER RAZI KHAN, POLICE CHIEF (Translation): I went looking for opium, this is what happened to my car, my other car ran over a mine and blew up. Four cars belonging to commanders from our station have been damaged so far. Out of our squadâ¦four of our mates, no three of them were injured and about eight were killed.
Commander Razi Khan has been police chief in Tarin Kot since 2001. The area he controls has now shrunk to a 10km circle around the town as the Taliban have gained strength in Uruzgan.
COMMANDER RAZI KHAN (Translation): Ten kilometres to the other side near Roshan Valley and ten from Mirabadâ¦thatâs where the Taliban can be found.
REPORTER: How long has Tarin Kot basically been cut off from the rest of the province?
COMMANDER RAZI KHAN (Translation): In the past two or three months we have had this situation in those two districts. Prior to that we had peace there, but recently we have had an emergency situation.
REPORTER: Why do you think it's got stronger in the last three to four months? Why do you think they are so close?
COMMANDER RAZI KHAN (Translation): The insurgents are stronger than us because they are supported from outside. They are trained by the Pakistani government which gives them money and weapons to further Pakistanâs aims. They have hired local people and the Taliban are ready to help. The government is very weak, we havenât been paid for five months.
He tells me that the Australian troops already here are actively engaged in major operations against the Taliban - this one, only 30km away, on May 5.
COMMANDER RAZI KHAN (Translation):The operation started in the morning, on the first day, when the troops approached the village, they came under attack. They moved their tanks and heavy weapons back and the air attack began. That didnât start until the next day, The bombing cleared the area of Taliban, they all ran away, they moved to the other side of the area.
The operation failed in its objective. The Taliban simply returned to the area after the Australians left.
REPORTER: How many people did the Australians kill?
COMMANDER RAZI KHAN (Translation): We do not know the exact number of people killed, but it could be seven or eight local people and some of those casualties were Taliban.
The last four months have been the worst since the Taliban fell. Brigadier Shah Machmud, from the Defence Ministry in Tarin Kot, described another Australian operation.
BRIGADIER SHAH MACHMUD (Translation): The Taliban tried to resist the attack, but couldnât.
REPORTER: Do you know if anybody was killed or injured?
BRIGADIER SHAH MACHMUD (Translation): There were five people in one area and three in another.
The operations conducted by the Australians already in Uruzgan have been shrouded in secrecy by the Australian Defence Department. They don't want to admit that our troops are fighting the Taliban and killing people they believe to be the enemy. None of this is reported and these Australian officers, who interrupted my interview with Uruzgan's Governor, refused to talk and instructed him not to. Despite their reluctance to talk to the media, it is clear the security situation for the Australian troops in Tarin Kot is dire and, if anything, getting worse.
The next contingent of 240 Australian troops are engineers, due at the end of next month. They are supposed to be carrying out reconstruction. Given the war zone they are entering in Uruzgan, it's unlikely they will be building anything, they'll be fully occupied defending themselves against the Taliban. Casualties are a certainty in this deployment.
 Map Afghanistan Afghanistan, a country in southwestern Asia that is situated on a landlocked plateau between Iran, Pakistan, China, and several countries in Central Asia. Afghanistan is a rugged place. Rocky mountains and deserts cover most of the land, with little vegetation anywhere except the mountain valleys and northern plains. The country has hot, dry summers and bitterly cold winters. Kabul is the capital and largest city.
Afghanistan has long been known as the crossroads of Asia, with ancient trade and invasion routes crossing its territory. Over the centuries many different people passed through Afghanistan, and some made it their homeland. Today this history is reflected in the countryâs ethnic and linguistic diversity. The Pashtuns, who make up the largest ethnic group, were long known as Afghans, but in modern times the term Afghan denotes nationality for all citizens of the country.
Afghanistan was a monarchy from 1747 to 1973, when military officers overthrew the king and established a republic. In 1979 the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) invaded Afghanistan, starting the Soviet-Afghan War. After the Soviets withdrew in 1989, the country erupted in civil war. An Islamic fundamentalist movement called the Taliban seized control of KÄbul in 1996. The Taliban gave refuge to the al-Qaeda terrorist network, and after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, against the United States, U.S. military forces invaded Afghanistan and ousted the Taliban from power in late 2001. Afghanistan adopted a new constitution establishing a presidential form of government in 2004.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|